In this paper, a nonlinear dynamical system is proposed and qualitatively analyzed to study the dynamics and effects of HIV-malaria co-infection in the workplace. Basic reproduction numbers of sub-models are derived and are shown to have LAS disease-free equilibria when their respective basic reproduction numbers are less than unity. Conditions for existence of endemic equilibria of sub-models are also derived. Unlike the HIV-only model, the malaria-only model is shown to exhibit a backward bifurcation under certain conditions. Conditions for optimal control (...) of the co-infection are derived using the Pontryagin’s maximum principle. Numerical experimentation on the resulting optimality system is performed. Using the incremental cost-effectiveness ratio, it is observed that combining preventative measures for both diseases is the best strategy for optimal control of HIV-malaria co-infection at the workplace. (shrink)

Dinsel değişim, din psikolojisinin kurulduğu dönemden itibaren güncelliğini koruyan konular arasında yer almaktadır. Tarihsel süreçten bugüne kadar olumlu veya olumsuz biçimde neredeyse tüm insanların muhtelif boyutlarda dinsel unsurlar ile temas ediyor oluşu, dinsel değişim konusunu akademik alanda önemli ve güncel tutan hususlardandır. Bu çalışma; inançlı olduğu hâlde dine karşı ilgisiz bir hayat sürdüren Yaşar Alptekin’in neden ve nasıl dindarlaştığı sorusuna cevap aramaktadır. Nitel araştırma tekniklerinden olan durum çalışması desenine bağlı olarak yürütülen bu araştırmada veriler doküman incelemesi ile elde edilmiştir. Bu (...) doğrultuda Yaşar Alptekin’in bizzat kendisinin kaleme aldığı kitaplar ve onunla çeşitli sosyal medya platformlarında yapılan röportajlar, birinci elden kaynaklar olarak kullanılmıştır. Bu anlamda mevcut çalışma, psikobiyografik araştırma geleneği içinde değerlendirilebilir. Toplanan bilgi ve malumatlar, betimsel analiz tekniği ile çözümlenmiştir. Alptekin’in özel yaşamı, siyasi görüşü ve sanatçı yönü gibi konular, çalışmanın kapsamı dışında tutulmuştur. Ayrıca bu çalışmada yer alan bilgi ve malumatlar, araştırmanın yapılmış olduğu tarihe kadarki dokümanlar ile sınırlıdır. Araştırmanın temel sorusuna cevap ararken dinsel değişimin aşamaları, güdüleri, motifleri, çeşitleri, gerçekleşme biçimi ve sonuçları hakkında din psikolojisi literatüründe yer alan kuramsal yaklaşımlardan destek alınmıştır. Bu bağlamda psikanalitik ve varoluşçu yaklaşımlarla birlikte sosyal kimlik kuramından da faydalanılmıştır. Bu noktada öncelikle Alptekin’in çocukluk, gençlik ve yetişkinlik döneminde yaşadığı önemli olaylar ve hayatını etkileyen hadiseler, dinsel değişimi harekete geçiren nedenler kapsamında analize çalışılmıştır. Alptekin’in değişim öncesi ve sonrası kişilik ve kimlik bakımından nasıl bir değişim yaşadığı, bunun kendisiyle ve sosyal çevresi ile ilişkilere nasıl yansıdığı sorusuna odaklanılmıştır. Ulaşılan bulgulara göre Alptekin’in dinsel değişim sürecini harekete geçiren nedenler; “çocukluk dönemini mutsuz geçirmesi”, bu anlamda “sevgisiz ve ilgisiz büyümesi”, “yetişkinlik döneminde yaşadığı anlamsızlık duygusu”, “samimiyet arayışı”, “içerisinde bulunduğu gelişim döneminin etkileri”, “zihinsel tatminsizlik”, “aile içi sorunlar” ve “değişime eşlik eden dinî tecrübeler” şeklinde sıralanabilir. Meydana gelmiş olan dinsel değişim sonucunda Yaşar Alptekin’in kimlik ve dünya görüşü başta olmak üzere giyim tarzından arkadaş çevresine, ilişkilerine yön veren temel belirleyicilerden insanlara bakışına kadar bireysel ve sosyal hayatında köklü değişimler yaşandığı izlenmektedir. Ancak onun, temel kişilik yapısında fark edilebilir bir değişime rastlanmamıştır. Mevcut kişiliği, değişim sonrası kimliği ile bütünleşmiştir. (shrink)

In Turkey, where the philosophy of religion is still a relatively new academic field, there are different approaches regarding the fundamental principles that should guide its development. It has been claimed that to conduct a Muslim philosophy of religion, it is necessary to stay away from the concepts that are the product of the intellectual pursuit of Western thought. This claim, which is put forward by Hasan Er, is justified by the thought that some of the basic concepts that emerged (...) in the philosophy of religion in the West are a product of the West’s confrontation with the Christian medieval thought, and therefore, they do not comply with the basic Islamic principles. The judgment that the philosophy of religion in the West arose based on Christianity seems acceptable. From this point of view, since the belief system of Christianity is very different from Islam, it has been argued that the concepts used in the philosophy of religion in the West should not be associated with Islam. Three concepts are especially claimed to be avoided here. These are deism, atheism, and theism. This claim triggers an important debate in philosophy of religion. This is whether there can be a philosophy of religion specific to a particular religion. In this study, the claims briefly described above will be discussed. While doing this, the claims put forward will be subjected to an analytical evaluation. As a result, it will be discussed that the concepts should be considered not only with the meanings they first appeared but also with the meanings they acquired in the process. On the other hand, if it is not possible to make a Muslim philosophy of religion with Western concepts, then it will be taken into consideration that it is necessary to ask “How Muslim is the philosophy of religion?”. (shrink)

: In Islamic inheritance law, although in different ratios, the shares of male and female siblings are already determined. The testator has no right to deprive the inheritors of inheritance. However, in today’s Islamic countries, it is well known that some testators deprive the inheritors of inheritance fully or partially through various ways such as donation, last will, and fictitious. Last will, as a legal term, means that a person transfers his\her property complimentarily to person\persons who have the right to (...) inherit originally or legally, provided that it is valid after death. In Islamic law, principally, making a last will to foreigners is regarded as a legitimate act. However, today, as it was in the past, the right of last will is being misused in causing harm to the inheritors and depriving them of the inheritance. For this reason, in Islamic law, there have been taken some precautions to prevent any possible misuse of the last will right in order to protect the rights of the inheritors and third persons. These precautions are as follow: The last will that is made is restricted to one third of the total amount; It is prohibited to make last will to the inheritors; There have been laid down some formal conditions for proving a last will; It is prohibited to make a last will with the intention of harming the inheritors, even if it is one third and less than one third. Summary: In Islamic inheritance law, although in different ratios, the shares of male and female siblings are already determined. The testator has no right to deprive the inheritors of inheritance. However, in today’s Islamic countries, it is well known that some testators deprive the inheritors of inheritance fully or partially through various ways such as donation, last will and fictitious. Therefore, some precautions have been taken in Islamic law in order to protect the right of the inheritors to inheritance. One of these precautions is to impose some restrictions on the legal acts of the testator who has an intention of depriving his\her inheritors fully or partially of the inheritance, misusing his\her right oflast will. The last will, as a legal term, means that a person transfers his\her property complimentarily to person\persons who have the right to the inheritance originally or legally, provided that it is valid after death. The last will is a legal procedure which is regarded as legitimate in all societies and legal systems. All legal systems that accept the legitimacy of the last will set out some regulations and restrictions on the use of the last will to protect the rights of individuals and public order. In Islamic law, the last will is also regarded as a legitimate regulation in order to meet people's earthly needs and to be a means of solidarity and getting reward in hereafter. However, in today's Islamic countries, the right of last will is being misused in causing harm to the inheritors and depriving them of the inheritance. In Islamic law, the precautions that have been taken to prevent any possible misuse of the last will right in order to protect the rights of the inheritors and third persons are as follow: The last will that is made is restricted to one third of the total amount The Prophet Muhammad visited Sa'd b. Abu Vakkas due to his illness in the year in which the Last Pilgrimage was being performed. Sa'd b. Abu Vakkas had no children other than a daughter. That is why he told the Prophet that he wanted to make a last will according to which the two third of his property shall be given to the foreigners. Thereupon, the Prophet Muhammad told him that he could only give one third of his property maximum. The Prophet Muhammad explained the reason why as follows: “It is better to leave your inheritors as wealthy than to leave them as needy people.” ; Muwatta, “Wasiyyāt”, 3; Tirmīzī, “Wasāyā”, 1, Abū Dāvūd, “Wasāyā”, 2; Nasāī, “Wasāyā”, 3; Bayhakī, “Wasāyā”, 5.). The Muslim jurists who regard this event as a proof have arrived at the consensus that the Muslims can only give one third of their property to foreigners by means of the last willIt is prohibited to make last will to the inheritors The Prophet Muhammad said, "Allah surely gives every right. There is no will to inheritors.” The Muslim jurists who regard this saying as a proof have arrived at the consensus that the last will to inheritors cannot not be made. There have been laid down some formal conditions for proving a last will Since a last will is a process that is upon death, there might be some disagreement between the inheritors and those who are a last will made to after the death of testator. For this reason, the last will shall be proven so that any possible dispute would be prevented. In the classical Islamic Law, it is emphasized that the last will should be oral, written or by any means of signs that might express oneself well, and the last will shall be made in the presence of the witnesses as a matter of principle. However, in my opinion, following the verses that require the last will to be made before the witnesses, placing the last will on record through an official procedure is much more suitable in regard to the purpose of the Shari’ and the spirit of Islam. Indeed, in the Islamic countries, the Family Law Codes are subject to the legal dispute that a case cannot be open if a last will is not been made in accordance with the law. It is prohibited to make a last will with the intention of harming the inheritors, even if it is one third and less than one third. In Islamic law, the last will made to foreigners is limited to one third of the property of the testator. Nevertheless, still there is a possibility of misusing this right against the inheritors with the intention of depriving them of the inheritance even if it is one third and less than one third. However, the verse which lay down the condition "the will made without harming the inheritors" indicates that the last will is legitimate only with the intention of not harming the inheritors, even if it is less than one third. Therefore, the last will made to foreigners with the intention of harming the inheritors, as it is contrary to the purpose of the law maker, can be restricted by the public authority. No doubt, the most important of the above-mentioned precautions is to restrict a testator's right of the last will to one third of the property when it is a foreigner to whom he is willing to give from his property, and the remaining two third is left to the inheritors. That is why in Islamic law, this two-third share, which is legally guaranteed and will be passed on to the inheritors, is called "reserved share". In principle, except for some exceptions, the testator has no authority to give from the "reserved share." Although in Islamic law, theoretically, the two-third share called "reserved share" is legally secured, nowadays, the testators are misusing their right of the last will. Therefore, the question “is it possible for the public authority, in Islamic law, to restrict a person’s essentially legitimate right of making last will in a case of misuse?” is quite important concerning our subject matter. It has been accepted as a basic principle that the acts in the category of "mubah" in Islamic law are to be taken without violating the rights of others and harming the public. Accordingly, it is possible for the public authority to restrict the acts that are taken in contradiction to the purpose of Shari and the interest of others. From this point of view, the use of the right of the last will in Islamic law is not absolute and unrestricted. Therefore, in the case of harming to the inheritors, it is possible that the right to be restricted by the public authority. As a result, the last will right, in Islamic law, is restricted in four different ways in favour of the inheritors as briefly summarized above. (shrink)

Basic characteristic of Islamic heritage law, principally it has accepted the two-to-one ratio between the male and the female children/siblings in division of heritage. In Islamic inheritance law, the main/basic reason why the share of the male is twice the share of the female is no “value” judgments given to female/women in creation and gender in Islam, on the contrary, are real realities related with the roles and financial obligations that man and woman have undertaken, in other words, related with (...) “socio-economic structure/fact” in the family and society structure foreseen by Islam. As a matter of fact, “need principle” is based on in division and succession of heritageand a fair arrangement has been made in accordance with the rights and responsibilities of the husband and wife in Islamic Law. In some classical tafsīr books, the concept of “degree” in the verse “... Men have a degree (right) over women” (Al-Baqara 2/228) mentioning the mutual rights and responsibilities of women and men; and the expression of “lil al-dhakari mithlu haẓẓ al-unthayain” in the verse –the inheritance of man is the share of two women– (Al-Nisā 4/11) mentioning the inheritance shares of boys and girls is interpreted against the woman by disregarding the intended purpose and socio-economic contexts of these verses. As a result of this interpretation, the share of men in inheritance is twice the share of women in Islamic law is ontologically (existential/creation) based on a justification that “man is superior to woman”. In this article/study, an analyticallook atthe interpretations in some classical tafsīr books on the axis of “daraja/degree” and “lil al-dhakari mithlu haẓẓ al-unthayain” that today sheds light on the sociological-historical background of depriving the daughter from the heritage will be made. Summary: Just as there is no way to determine a person’s sex, it is not either possible by reason to have such an opportunity. - With the possibility of medical intervention nowadays - sex is determined by the discretion of the Supreme Creator rather than will. Indeed, it is mentioned in the Qur’ān: To Allah belongs the dominion of the heavens and the earth; He creates what he wills. He gives to whom He wills female [children], and He gives to whom He wills males (Al-Shūrā 42/49.)In addition to human biological sex, there is also social gender. Indeed, the term “sex” refers to being biologically female or male, while the term "gender" refers to the social and cultural identity of a woman or man, or the social roles that occur in the historical process.Accordingly, while it is not possible to determine biological sex (in normal circumstances in advance), determining gender is shaped by the cultural will of individuals and societies. As a matter of fact, gender is shaped according to the religions, customs and cultures of the societies and it shows differences according to time, culture and family structure. In this context, in the pre-Islamic Arab society, the gender of the girl or the woman was shaped by the custom of the ritual and customs. Indeed, it is a known fact that during the period of Jahiliyyah, in terms of social gender, the girl/woman has been deprived of many social and economic rights, especially heritage. The Qur’ān has brought the girls who, in the period of Jahiliyyah, were oppressed in terms of gender, deprived of many social and economical rights, treated as second class human, embarrassed of themselves and buried alive, to the same position as man. In this context, as it is in every field in the direction of social structure and social conditions of that day, also in the field of inheritance law, a number of regulations were made in the Qur’ān and the Sunnah being the main sources of Islam. The divisions of the inheritance were connected with religious and legal rules and the shares of the inheritance of the sons and daughters were determined by naṣṣ (verses and hadiths).However, in Islamic inheritance law, as a requirement of the structure of family and society accepted by Islam, in principle, “two-to-one” measures have been adopted between male and female children. As a matter of fact, in this aspect, it is mentioned in the Qur’ān: Allah instructs you concerning your children: for the male, what is equal to the share of two females (Al-Nisā 4/11.)On one hand, the principle that Islamic law brings between boys and girls; Seems to be an inequality in terms of the arrangement in which "the inheritance share of the male child is twice the share of the female child", while on the other hand, within the border of in the family foreseen by Islam, this regulation has not been seen as an injustice and inequity by Muslim societies, because in Islamic family law, a man is obliged to ensure the livelihood of the family after marriage. He is also obliged to give his wife her mahr when marrying.In Islamic inheritance law, “necessity principle” is taken as the basis of responsibility that women and man have undertaken in family and society. Therefore, even though giving nothing at all to those who are not in need and giving less to those who are in less need, giving too much to those who are in much need might seem contrary to the principle of equality, it is a necessity of the principle of justice and fairness. As a matter of fact, while "law equality, necessity in sharing" principle, law is arranged according to people's qualifications, goods and wealth sharing is divided according to the needs of people. In this context, there has been a fair division in Islamic heritage law based on the necessity, (distributive) justice and fairness principle. Indeed, the French philosopher Roger Garaudy (1913-2012), who chose /converted to Islam, evaluates the following about the proportion of male child in the Qur'an to that of female child: “When we consider that in the Arab society all the obligations of the family and of the care of the parents and of all the things that we call ‘social security’ today are put on the shoulders of the husband, the hereditary male child's share must be twice as high as the female child’s is”.As Garaudy argues, the difference in the inheritance of women and men in Islamic inheritance law is not a legal discrimination/inequality, but a form of divisiveness stemming from a need based on the role and responsibility that women and men have undertaken in the family and society. Therefore, giving nothing to those who need nothing, giving little to those who need little, and giving a lot to those who need a lot,even though may seem contradictious to the principle of equality, it becomes a necessity of equity and (distributive) justice principle. In this case, in Islamic inheritance law, the basic reason why the share of the male child is twice the share of the female child, is social and economic reasons and it is possible to rank them as follows:1) According to Islamic law, women are not obliged to make their own economic livelihoods. The woman’s economic responsibility belongs to her father or brothers before marriage, and then to her husband after marriage. 2) When a woman is married she is not responsible for herself or other family members’ livelihood. The male is obliged to make a living for himself, his wife and his children.3) While married, the male is obliged to give the wife mahr. The woman has no such responsibility.As it is understood from the above explanations, in Islamic inheritance law, the basic reason why the share of the male child is twice the share of the female child is not about the ontologically “value” based on creation and sex given to the woman (girl child) in Islam. On the contrary, it is the real facts concerning the family and society structure that Islam predicts, the roles and financial obligations that man and woman have undertaken, namely “socio-economic structure/fact”.In some commentaries in classical commentary books, the rights and responsibilities of women and men are referred to, like: the word “degree” mentioned in: …but the men have a degree over them [in responsibility and authority (Al-Baqara 2/228), and the talk about the inheritance shares of boys and girls in: for the male, what is equal to the share of two females (Al-Nisā 4/11). Eventually, the concepts “lil al-dhakari mithlu haẓẓ al-unthayain” have been associated with the gender of the woman/girl child ontologically (based on social fact) by ignoring the referent purpose and socio-economic contexts of these verses. As a result of these interpretations, it was desired that the Islamic law principle of inheritance share of male child being twice the share of female child, ontologically, should be based on a justification that “man is superior to woman”.In this study, some of the era’s dominant culture classical interpretations grounding women's inheritances share on her gender and based on the axis of the concepts of "degree" and “lil al-dhakari mithlu haẓẓ al-unthayain” in the related verses of the Qur'ān will be elaborated. (shrink)

En este presente artículo se propone analizar la lucha de los grupos negros contra la discriminación, basándose en trabajos de diversos historiadores que han abordado la temática. El problema aquí es el procedimiento de éstos para ser visible en Argentina. El objetivo principal es mostrar el rol de las organizaciones culturales, religiosas y las diferentes agrupaciones. La hipótesis que guía el trabajo es la noción de lucha contra la discriminación como una de las formas en que se presenta el racismo. (...) Los métodos utilizados son el heurístico, hermenéutico, el deductivo-inductivo y un submétodo que es la cronología. El estado-nación de Argentina ha instrumentado un mecanismo para la construcción de una identidad blanca en el país. Asimismo, empezará por un recorrido histórico que irá desde la discriminación hasta la lucha de las asociaciones afrodescendientes para su visibilidad en Argentina. (shrink)

Etienne Balibar, Olivier Bloch, Jean-Claude Bourdin, Isabelle Garo, Alain Gigandet, Pascale Gillot, Annie Ibrahim, Irène Pereira et André Tosel se penchent dans cet ouvrage sur les problèmes et les perpectives induites par le matérialisme althusserien. " Jamais un coup de dés n'abolira le hasard ". Althusser fait un bref commentaire de cette célèbre sentence mallarméenne dans un texte de 1982 - Le courant souterrain du matérialisme de la rencontre. II y conclut que l'histoire n'est que la révocation permanente du (...) fait accompli par le "fait à accomplir" sans qu'on sache à l'avance ni jamais, ni où, ni comment. Affaire de jeu de dés à jeter sur la table vide... Ainsi est déterminée une position en philosophie et en politique, assiette inédite qui en appelle à l'aléatoire et se donne comme un " chantier " ouvert à nos explorations. De fait, les catégories du sujet, de l'aliénation, de la dialectique, de l'idéologie, sont bradées ou ébranlées au profit du processus hasardeux et de la vicissitude des formes. Pourtant, ni le primat de la lutte des classes ni la thèse de la matérialité objective du monde ne sont sacrifiés au nouvel horizon de la conjoncture. Il se peut qu'il y ait deux voies du matérialisme, aussi légitimes l'une que l'autre - matérialisme de la nécessité et matérialisme de la rencontre. Gageons que ce dernier puisse faire que les éléments vivants d'un ensemble politique"s'accrochent " entre eux et au tout de telle sorte que ce qui est vrai en théorie le soit aussi en pratique. (shrink)

Fəlsəfə tarixinə nəzər yetirdiyimiz zaman insanın mental hallarının əsasən ruh/nəfs fikri ilə izah edildiyinin şahidi oluruq. Nəfsin mahiyyəti məsələsi isə qədim yunan filosoflarından bəri müzakirə olunmuş və bu barədə fərqli nəzəriyyələr ortaya qoyulmuşdur. Qədim yunan filosoflarından Platon nəfsin maddi bədəndən təmamilə fərqli, qeyri-maddi bir substansiyadan təşkil olunduğunu düşünür və onun bədəndən müstəqil var ola bilən, əzəli və əbədi olduğunu iddia edirdi. Substansial dualizm olaraq tanınan bu nəzəriyyəni qəbul etməyən Aristotel isə nəfsi bədənin mükəmməlliyi kimi tərif edir və Platondan fərqli olaraq (...) onun bədəndən öncə var olması fikrini, eləcə də, ölümsüzlüyünü inkar edirdi. İslam filosofları Aristotelin nəfs tərifini qəbul etsələr də onu Platon kimi qeyri-maddi substansiya hesab edir və insanın maddi bədən və qeyri-maddi nəfsdən təşkil olunduğunu deyirdilər. Səfəvilər dövrünün İslam filosofu Sədrəddin Şirazi isə sələflərindən bir çox cəhətdən fərqlənən nəfs konsepsiyası ilə çıxış edir. O da İbn Sina və digər müsəlman filosoflar kimi nəfsin “orqanları olan təbii bir cismin ilk mükəmməlliyi (ἐντελέχια)” olmasına dair aristotelist tərifi qəbul edir, ancaq onun fikrincə tərifdəki orqanlar maddi bədən üzvləri olmayıb, nəfsin gücləridir. Platondan fərqli olaraq Şirazi nəfsin əzəli olmayıb yarandığını qəbul edir. Lakin nəfsin bədənlə birlikdə yarandığını düşünən İbn Sinadan fərqli olaraq Şirazi nəfsin yarandığı zaman mücərrəd varlıq olması fikrini rədd edir. Ona görə nəfs maddi bədəndə ortaya çıxır. Maddi yaransa da Şiraziyə görə nəfs təbiətən sahib olduğu substansial hərəkət sayəsində zamanla dəyişərək ruhani varlığa çevrilərək ölümsüzlük əldə edir. Bu məqalə Sədrəddin Şirazinin nəfs konsepsiyasını ələ alaraq onun nəfs və ruh anlayşını, nəfsin tərifi, yaranması və bədənlə münasibtinə dair fikirlərini təhlil edir. (shrink)

En el presente escrito se estudian varias piezas hasta ahora inéditas tanto al corpus de precintos producidos durante el períodod inicial de al-Andalus, como al de los ponderales realcionados con las emisiones monetarias de épocas diversas en la historia andalusí.

Deleuze’ün Spinozacı yaşam tahayyülünde ‘ne yapmalıyız?’ sorusuna normatif, ahlaki ya da siyasi bir yanıt bulamıyoruz ama varoluşu düşünmenin içkin bir olanağını keşfediyoruz. Düşünmeye 'dışarıdan' yani dünyadan başlamak insani (kurgusal) bir dünyaya değil, içinde yaşadığımız gerçek dünyaya inanmak demektir. İçkinliğin politik anlamı düşünceyi dünyaya getirmektir.

Bu çalışmada Gilles Deleuze’ün Felix Guattari’yle iş birliğinden önce kaleme aldığı eserlere damgasını vuran Nietzsche okumasının anahtar kavramlarına odaklanılmakta ve Deleuze’ün Nietzsche alımlaması ile kendi fark felsefesi arasındaki ilişki açığa çıkartılmaktadır. Deleuze’ün okumasında öne çıkan temalar: Platonculuğun ters yüz edilmesi ve anti-felsefeye çağrı; nihilizmin aşamaları ve ahlaki değerlerin soybilimsel çözümlemesi; güç-istenci ve bedenin bir kuvvetler çokluğu olarak yeniden kavranması ve eleyici bir ilke olan ebedi dönüşün ‘kendinde fark’ı olumlaması şeklinde sıralanabilir. Bu konuların kesiştiği nokta Nietzsche’nin rasyonalizm karşıtlığıdır. Nietzsche, erken dönem (...) metinlerinden Tragedyanın Doğuşu ’nda, ‘Platonik İdea’nın ölü hakikatinin karşısına, kendini daima şeylerin oluşu vasıtasıyla yani görünüşün görünüşünde duyumsanabilir kılan varoluşun ‘ilksel birliğini’ koyar. Deleuze’e göre Nietzsche’nin felsefesi, yaşamın olumlanmasına yönelik anti-Platoncu bir başkaldırı niteliği taşır; çünkü o, “güç-istenci” ve “ebedi-dönüş” kavramları aracılığıyla görünüş dünyasına içkin dinamik ve yaşamsal ilkeleri, geleneksel felsefenin özne, özdeşlik ve temsil gibi kurgularına karşı savunur. Bu açıdan Deleuze, Nietzsche’nin güç istenci düşüncesini, bedeni ve dünyayı kuvvetlerin karşılıklı ilişkileri bağlamında yeniden yorumlamamıza olanak veren bir yaklaşım olarak değerlendirir. Ebedi dönüş öğretisi ise, bir yandan varoluşa içkin yazgıyı olumlayan, diğer yandan nihilist değerleri eleyen kozmolojik dönüşün şiirsel bir yorumudur. (shrink)

Grown up as versatile people, Ottoman intellectuals had holistic views towards science, art and literature, and wrote in a variety of disciplines. It was not uncommon for a mathematician to write in philosophy, for a ḥadīth (report of the words and deeds of the Prophet) scholar to write history books, for a statesman to be busy with calligraphy or for a Shaykh al-Islām (the highest ranking Islamic legal authority) to have a “Dīwān” (a collection of poems). However, possibly due to (...) specialization-based scientific understanding of modern researchers, one side of these people generally came to the fore and some capabilities of them remained unknown. Grown up in Istanbul, capital town of Ottoman Empire, in late 16th and early 17th centuries, Okchuzāde Mehmed Shāhī was also one of these personalities called “hezār-fan” (polymath). Mehmed Shāhī served in top level offices of the State, was busy with art and literature, and became known for inshāʾ (composition) kind of works written with elaborate prose. Mehmed Shāhī earned a deserved fame with these capabilities and he was also a poet. Indeed, due to poems he wrote in his early ages, he was noticed by some biography writers about poets and his poems were mentioned in some anthologies. In addition to poetry anthologies, he had some classical works, and some couplets, quatrains and verses included in his prose works. In the present study, a collection and evaluation of poems by Mehmed Shāhī were presented.Summary: Ottoman statesman Okchuzāde Mehmed Shāhī was born in 1562 AD (970 AH) in Istanbul. He was son of Okchuzāde Mehmed Pasha (d. 995 AH/1587 AD) and served as Kātib (scribe), Defterdār (treasurer), Reīs-ul-kuttāb (chief of the scribes), Governor General of Cyprus and Aleppo. His real name was Mehmed, but he was mentioned in different sources by names such as Mehmed Bey, Mehmed Shāh, Mehmed Shāhī, Mir Mehmed Shāhī and Okchuzāde Mehmed Shāhī. Starting at a young age, he was well educated in madrasah (college). With his vibrant character and superior genius, he came to the forefront among his peers. He was educated under the supervision of Māʿlūlzāde Nakīb Efendi (d. 993 AH/1585 AD) and graduated in 988 AH/1580 AD at the age of 18. When Nakīb Efendi became Shaykh al-Islām in the same year, he started his official duty as Dīwān-ı Humāyūn (imperial council) secretary. With the duty of Executive Assistant, he became the secretary of Damad İbrahim Pasha who started to his office in 1004 AH/1596 AD. He worked under the patronage of the Pasha until Pasha’s death in 1010 AH/1601 AD. Mehmed Shāhī succeeded Musa Chelebi as Reīs-ul-kuttāb and Basdefterdar (chief treasurer) in 1005 AH/1596 AD, and was appointed as title deed and cadastre director in 1006 AH/1597 AD. However, he was dismissed from this duty and was included among the officials to join military campaign. He was prosecuted and tried for imprisonment for the accusation of coming to Istanbul without permission. He succeeded Hamza Pasha as Nishanci (high-ranking bureaucrat) in 1007 AH/1599 AD and was assigned to military campaign. Mehmed Shāhī was dismissed from his duty in 1008 AH/1600 AD. Although he was reappointed to his duty in the same year, he was dismissed again in 1010 AH/1601 AD. While Hamza Pasha was reappointed to his office, Mehmed Shāhī was not assigned to any duty. He succeeded Murad Efendi as the Defterdar of Egypt in 1013 AH/1605 AD. After this duty, one of the vassal Sanjak (administrative district) Beyliks (principalities) in Egypt was given to him. When vassal Sanjak Beyliks were abolished by Kara Mehmed Pasha, Beylerbeyi (governor) of Egypt, in 1016 AH/1608 AD, he returned to Istanbul. He was not appointed to an office for a long time. In 1029 AH/1620 AD, he was appointed as title deed and cadastre director in 1029 AH/1620 AD, and became Nishanci again in 1030 AH/1621 AD. He served in military campaign to Poland, but was dismissed from this duty during the campaign. He was appointed as Nishanci for the fifth time during the second reign of Sultan Mustafa (1622-1623). He was dismissed in 1033 AH/1624 AD and retired. In early 1039 AH/1630 AD, he died at the age of 69 in Istanbul. His tomb is near Ekmekchioghlu tomb in the vicinity of Sunbul Efendi.What is known about his family is limited to his son named Vakʿi Ahmed Efendi (d. 1060 AH/1650 AD). Ahmet Efendi learned Naskh, Thuluth and tevkīʿi types of calligraphy styles from his father. He served as anthology writer for Shaykh al-Islām Bahāī Efendi. He died in 1060 AH/1650 AD when he was serving as teacher in Sulaymaniyah Madrasah. His tomb is around Shaykh Vefa tomb.In addition to his administrative duties, Mehmed Shāhī was also interested in poetry, prose, calligraphy, mysticism, ḥadīth and tafsīr (exegesis). Possibly also due to his dismissal of duties many times in his life, he produced many works. Among them are Aḥsan al-ḥadīth, an-Naẓm al-mubīn fī āyāt al-erbaʿīn, al-Maqām al-Maḥmūd, Tarjuma-i Tuḥfa as-ṣalavāt, Jāmiʿ al-ghāyāt, Mukhtār al-akhyār, Qānūn-i Jadīd-i Arāḍi, Munsheat ve Dīwān. Famed for his prose works, the author was also a poet. With his couplets which he wrote under pseudonym of Zaynī, he managed to get on the anthology of Kınalızāde at his twenties. He was celebrated with the expression of “Arrow of word from his bow of soul has reached the target of approval from masters; he is at a young age (at his twenties)”. Subsequently adopting pseudonym of Shāhī, the poet had some poems published within the works of Beyānī, Nevʿizāde and Mustaqimzāde as well as within his own prose works. Mustaqimzāde even mentioned that Mehmed Shāhī had a dīwān. Nevertheless, this work of him has not been found yet. A total of 30 poetry works of Mehmed Shāhī were found in various sources, except for his translations of 40 ḥadīth and 40 Qur’ān verses written in poetry. Of his 30 poetry works, 26 were written in Turkish and 4 in Persian. Various sections of ʿarūḍ (meter) were used in these works written as couplets, quatrains and verses. It could be stated that his poems rich in Persian and Arabic words had a rich rhyme frame. In his poetry works in which religious, literary, historical, legendary and mysticism themes were worked, concepts and figures such as Allah, the Lord, Messiah, Messenger, Risālet (messengership), intercession, Kāfūr al-Ikhshīdī (966-968), Mustaʿsim (d. 656 AH/1258 AD), Ibn Alkamī (d. 656 AH/1258 AD), Naṣīr-i Tūsī (d. 672 AH/1274 AD), Jamshīd, Keyumars, Uftade, Hudāyī, Majūsī, Kizilbash, Bayramī and muftī (jurist capable of giving a formal legal opinion). His poems were about intercession demand from the Messenger (PBUH), sin of serving to Persian, importance of an invention, praise of Uftade Sultan (d. 988 AH/1580 AD), effect of prayer, fate of administrator favoring his relatives, futility of envying the rich, importance of fighting with Zoroastrian, benefits of exhibition of sorrow, value of skillful people, resembling of the world to a bride with a thousand grooms, beauty of eloquence, ignominy of leaving chastity for lust, asking for forgiveness for sins, talent of understanding the words, not giving quarter to enemies, praise of Hz.ʿUmar, humbleness, value of lack of worldly things, sufferance due to the beauty of the beautiful, needing not to wonder why the beloved one is far away, evil of protecting the snot, richness of Arabic language, deeds of Anatolian fāḍils (virtuous), importance of endeavor in succeeding the closeness to God and respectability of ʿAzīz Maḥmūd Hudāyī (d. 1038 AH/1628 AD). Okchuzāde Mehmed Shāhī was an Ottoman statesman who also earned a well-deserved fame for his works written in inshāʾ (composition) genre of elaborate prose. In addition, he also had poetry works. Praised for the poems which he wrote in his early ages by anthology writers who included his poems in their anthologies, the poet also had some couplets and quatrains scattered among his own prose works. His poems in the form of couplets and quatrains within abovementioned works mostly were about religious, literary, legendary, historical and mysticism themes.Mehmed Shāhī was knowledgeable in tafsīr, ḥadīth, mysticism and calligraphy, and had good levels of Arabic and Persian. Writing poems in Persian, Mehmed Shāhī was decorated his prose works with Arabic expressions such as Qur’ān verses, ḥadīths and proverbs. It could be stated that such decorations made the language of his poems more difficult. Nevertheless, his poems are plainer and easier compared to his prose works. The poet who also had lyrical poems generally preferred ḥikamī (sapiential) style and wrote genres such as munacaat (prayer to God), shafaatnāme (intercession epistles), historical quatrain, medhiye (panegyric) and hicviye (epigram). His poems in anthologies were lyrical, those in Aḥsan al-ḥadīth and an-Naẓm al-mubīn were didactical and those in Munsheat were epic. Based on an evaluation of these poems, it could be stated that he was a poet with a style, though not a poet of first class. (shrink)

Qaṣeeda-i Burdah written by Egyptian sufi poet Busīrī (d. 695/1296) as an eulogy for Beloved Messenger Moḥammed has received great attention in the Islamic world. This work has been recited both in cultural/social ceremonies such as weddings, holidays and funerals. On the other hand, it was also annotated, translated, and takhmīs, tesdīs, tesbī‘ and taşṭīr were written to it by the pen of scholars and litterateurs in literary circles. These activities, which have been carried out over and over again, has (...) been going on from the 15th century to the present day. Not only the reputed people, but also unknown ones or ones whose names were later forgotten have tried to translate it to their own language. The subject of the study is one of this type of poetic translations of the eulogy. Like its translator, date of this poetic translation is also unknown. This work was written in the remel baḥr type of ‘arūż in 162 verses using the spelling of the classical period. Although a significant portion of the rhyme words was adapted from the source text, it has a more understandable style than its counterpart. In terms of poetry, it is above the average. The translator decorated the meaning that he borrowed from the original text with his own poetic ability and tried to express it in a unique manner. For this aim, it is more literary, lyrical and successful than most other translations of Qaṣeeda-i Burdah. In the present study, text of the mentioned work was given with transcription along with mentioning of some of its features. Summary: Qaṣeeda-i Burdah written by Egyptian sufi poet Buṣīrī (d. 695/1296) has an important place in the Islamic world. Named by the poet himself as al-Kavākib-al-durriya fī madḥi khayr-al-bariyya, this work is also known as al-Qaṣeedat-al-mīmiyya since its rhyme letter is Arabic mim, as Qaṣeeda-i Bur’ah since it caused Buṣīrī to recover from a disease, as Qaṣeeda-i Burdah due to the rumor that this event took place while he was wearing a coat by the hands of Beloved Messenger Moḥammed. In order to prevent confusion with the eulogy of Ka‘b b. Zuhayr (d. 24/645) with the same name, it is known in cultural circles as Qaṣeeda-i Bur’ah. However, in literature, it is commonly referred as Qaṣeeda-i Burdah. The work was written in simple baḥr style of ‘arūż, and consists of 161 couplets. It has ten sections in terms of its content: longing for the beloved, complaining about the soul, eulogy for Beloved Messenger Moḥammed, his birth, miracles, dignity of the Holy Qur’ān, miracle of mi‘rāc, importance of jihad, sorrow, hope, prayer and request. The eulogy, which has an effective style, has gained great acclaim in the Islamic geography and has been read for various purposes for centuries. Some people recite it in wedding ceremonies, while some others use it in funerals. The sick people recite it with the hope of healing, while calligraphers wrote it for practice.Owing its fame more to its story rather than its value of art, the eulogy was translated into Eastern languages such as Persian, Malay, Pashto, Punjabi, Turkish and Urdu, as well as into Western languages such as German, French, Greek, English, Spanish, Italian and Latin. In addition, many annotations, footnotes, takhmīs, tesdīs, tesbī‘, taşṭīr and replies were written to it. For example, the poem annotated in Arabic by Ebū Shāme al-Maqdisī (d. 665/1266), Khalid b. ‘Abdullah al-Ezherī (d. 905/1499), Ibrahim b. Moḥammed al-Bacurī (d. 1277/1860), ‘Omer b. Aḥmed al-Ḥarpuṭī (d. 1299/1882) was translated into Persian by the men of letters such as Molla Ḥafıẓ Sharaf (d. after 810/1407), ‘Iṣāmuddin b. ‘Arabshah al-Isfarayinī (d. 945/1538), ‘Ali b. Ḥasan Zavareī (d. 968/1560). The work was annotated by Le‘alī Aḥmed b. Muṣṭafa (d. 971/1563), Sayyid Ḥasan b. ‘Abdurraḥman (d. 1071/1661), Naẓifī Ismail Aqḥiṣarī (d. after 1205/1790), Shaykh-al-Islam Makkī Meḥmed (d. 1212/1797), Moḥammed b. Fayżullah (d. 1231/1816), Moḥammed b. Aḥmed (d. 1318/1900), Anqara Governor ‘Abidin Pasha (d. 1324/1906) in Turkish language. Takhmīs was written to the work by poets such as Ṭashkoprizade Kemaleddin (d. 1030/1621) Khocazāde Asad (d. 1034/1625), Sayyid Moḥammed Sharifī (d. 1040/1631), Shaykh-al-Islam Yahya (d. 1053/1644), Suleyman Naḥifī (d. 1151/1738), ‘Abdullah Ṣalaḥī (d. 1197/1783), Shaykh-al-Islam Makkī Meḥmed, Mollacıqzāde Raif (d. 1238/1823), Muṣṭafa Maqṣud (d. 1258/1843), Yemliḥazāde Muṣṭafa (d. 1294/1878), Meḥmed Said Pasha (d. 1308/1892), Moḥammed Favzī (d. 1318/1900) while Ismail Mufid (d. 1217/1803) wrote tesdīs and Niyazī-i Mıṣrī (d. 1105/1694) wrote tesbī‘ to it.The work was translated into Turkish language by poets such as ‘Abdurraḥim Qaraḥiṣarī (d. after 888/1483), Kemal Pashazāde (d. 940/1534), Ahmed-i Rıḍvan (d. before 945/1538) Le‘alī Aḥmed b. Muṣṭafa, Shamsaddin Sivasī (d. 1006/1597), Kemalatī Meḥmed (d. before 1015/1606), Esasī (d. before 1041/1631), Sayyid Ḥusayin (d. after 1050/1641), Mehmed Ṭalib (d. 1089/1679), Sukutī Meḥmed (d. 1103/1691), ‘Abdulhay Jalvatī (d. 1117/1705), Sulayman Naḥifī, ‘Abdullah Ḥulvanī (d. 1159/1746), Aḥmed ‘Arifī (d. after 1195/1781), ‘Abdullah Ṣalaḥī, Ismail Mufid, Sivaslı Aḥmed Suzī (d. 1246/1830), Evranyali ‘Abdurraḥim (d. 1282/1865), Meḥmed Said Pasha, Qonyalı Fakhreddin (d. 1365/1950), Sazai Qaraqoç (d. 1933), Ilhan Armutchuoghlu (d. 1937), Maḥmut Qaya (d. 1945), but there are also translations whose translators are unknown. The present study deals with such a translation of the work. To our best knowledge, the translation that has not been paid much attention by scholars to date and was mentioned only by Ṣadıq Yazar. Even he articulated only a few sentences about the translation based on a deficient copy of the work. Both in the library records and in its copies, there was no information about the translator and the translation date of the work. The translation, which beginns directly without a section such as an introduction at the opening, was written in 162 verses with the spelling of the classical period. It has a remel baḥr style of ‘arūż structure with fā‘ilātun fā‘ilātun fā‘ilātun fā‘ilun rhythm. Although it has some ‘arūż mistakes, it can be said that it is successful in terms of rhythm. Using the source text rhyme of mīm letter, the translator directly adapted some rhyme words from the Arabic text, while converting some others to appropriate Turkish words. Although he used some of them only once, he used some others several times. This finding implies that the translator may have had difficulties in finding words for the rhyme. It is noteworthy that he used some of those words in different meanings, and he employed 99 different rhymes in 162 couplets. The translator used the original text for purposes other than the rhyme words. He used some words directly without translating them or only removed the ḥarf-i ta‘rif. He transformed some words to others with the same stem or to their counterparts in Persian. While converting some of the phrases to forms suitable for the structure of the Turkish language using various practices, he used the old Anatolian Turkish as well as living Turkish. Like Buṣīrī’s eulogy, the poem, which consists of 10 parts in terms of contents, is suitable for the contents of the source text, but it is not a literal translation. The translator, who cared about literary rhetoric, largely preserved or even contributed to the harmony elements of the text. He reinterpreted the meaning of Buṣīrī’s work using his poetry skills, and produced a successful translation in terms of poetry with minimal rhyme flaws. Considering other translations of Qaṣeeda-i Burdah, the translation has similarities with that by Uskudarlı ‘Abdulhay Jalvatī in terms of rhyme letter, with that by Sayyid Husayin Amasī in terms of rhyme, and with that by Ismail Mufid Afandi in terms of direct adaptation of some words in original text, while it has common characteristics with the translation by Naḥifī in terms of both rhyme letter and direct adaptation of most rhyme words from the original text. On the other hand, the translation has similarities with the translations by Kemal Pashazāde, Ahmed-i Rıḍvan, Esasī Afandi, ‘Abdullah Ṣalaḥī and Na‘imī in terms of rhyme letter, rhyme and adaptation of most rhyme words from the original text. However, it is simpler compared to the translation by Kemal Pashazāde, more loyal to the content of original text compared to the translation by Ahmed-i Rıḍvan and more robust in terms of rhyme compared to the translation by Na‘imī. (shrink)

İbrahim Aczî Kendi, 1882-1965 yılları arasında yaşamış, iyi bir eğitim almış, devlet kadrolarında memurluk, müdürlük ve öğretmenlik gibi birçok görevlerde bulunmuştur. Aczî 1936 yılında, 34 yıl süren hizmetinin ardından, emekliye ayrılarak kendisini kültürel değerlerin araştırılmasına ve bu değerlerin gelecek nesillere aktarılmasına adamıştır. Hayatının son demlerine değin bu ülkü uğrunda çok gayret sarf etmiş ve bu çerçevede birçok eser kaleme almıştır. Eserlerinde özellikle Mevlânâ Celâleddîn-i Rûmî’ye (öl. 672/1273) özel bir önem verdiği ve çalışmalarını onun Mesnevî adlı eseri üzerine yoğunlaştırdığı görülmektedir. Kendisinin (...) ve önemli bazı tarihî şahsiyetlerin hayatını konu edinmiş olan Aczî, eserlerinde muasır bazı yazarlara ve onların çalışmalarına yönelik eleştirilere de yer vermiştir. Ayrıca Türkçe, Arapça ve Farsça şiirler kaleme almıştır. O, toplumun içinde bulunduğu koşulları, gelenek ve görenekleri araştırmalarda bulunduğu, görev yaptığı yerler çerçevesinde ortaya koymuş; on dokuzuncu ve yirminci yüzyılda meydana gelen değişim ve dönüşüm hareketlerine bizâtihi şahit olmuş ve bu olaylar karşısında kendi düşüncesini ifade etmekten geri durmamıştır. İbrahim Aczî, çocukluk döneminden itibaren duygularını şiirleri aracılığıyla ifade etmiş, genç neslin Türk kültür ve değerlerini unutmaması için elinden geldiğince genç kuşakları kültürel değerlerle tanıştırmaya gayret etmiştir. Bu çerçeveden bakıldığında Aczî’nin kendisine önemli bir misyon edindiği söylenebilir. Folklor alanına katkı sağlamış, döneminin panoramasını yansıtmak suretiyle de bulunduğu coğrafyaya ilişkin önemli veriler sunmuştur. Aczî hakkında günümüze kadar yapılan çalışmalarda onun hayatı ve eserlerine yüzeysel bir şekilde değinildiği, hatta bu çalışmalardaki bilgilerin birbirlerinin tekrarı olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Yaptığı çalışmalarda İbrahim Aczî’nin kısmen de olsa bibliyografyasına yer veren ilk isim Cahit Öztelli’dir. Daha sonra Mehmet Ali Uz, Öztelli’nin tespit ettiği bibliyografyaya birkaç eser daha eklemek suretiyle yeni bir yazı kaleme almıştır. Öztelli ve Uz tarafından ortaya konulan bu araştırmalar, kendilerinden sonra yapılan diğer çalışmalara örnek teşkil etmiş, hatta bazıları tarafından aynıyla tekrarlanmıştır. Ancak söz konusu çalışmalar da İbrahim Aczî’nin bibliyografyasını tam anlamıyla yansıtmamaktadır. Bu yönüyle çalışmamız, bibliyografyasında eksiklik olduğu tespit edilen İbrahim Aczî Kendi ile ilgili literatür taraması yapmayı ve onun kapsamlı bir bibliyografyasını ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Makalenin giriş kısmında İbrahim Aczî’nin bibliyografyasına ilişkin yapılan çalışmalar değerlendirilmiş, onun hayatı ile ilgili kısaca bilgi verilmiş ve sonraki bölümde Aczî’nin tespit edilen bibliyografyası sunulmuştur. Böylece Aczî’nin eserleri, çeşitli gazete ve dergilerde yer alan tefrika ve makaleleri ile diğer yazarlar tarafından onun hayatı ve eserleri ile ilgili yapılan çalışmalar ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır. (shrink)

El poeta andalusí Ibrāhīm ibn Sahl (609/1212-649/1251), que se convirtió del judaísmo al islam, escribió poemas pertenecientes al subgénero de la poesía amorosa conocida como al-ġazal al-ʿuḏrī sobre los amados Moisés, y con menor frecuencia Mahoma. Las investigaciones sobre Ibn Sahl se han centrado, tradicionalmente, en la cuestión acerca de si la conversión histórica al islam fue sincera o si sus poemas sobre Moisés reflejan un anhelo oculto por el judaísmo. Este artículo problematiza esta cuestión, prestando atención a lo que (...) se sabe de las circunstancias históricas en las que vivió Ibn Sahl y por medio de una discusión crítica del fenómeno de la conversión. Luego redirijo la conversación sobre la poesía de Ibn Sahl: en lugar de tratar de comprender la sinceridad de la conversión de Ibn Sahl a través de su poesía este artículo lee sus poemas como textos literarios, con atención a sus juegos de palabras, imágenes e intertextualidad. El análisis de la poesía de Ibn Sahl, que presta mucha atención a esta significativa intertextualidad, ilumina la red de referencias religiosas que hay en ella y las formas en las que funcionan dentro de la poesía. La conclusión, tras la lectura atenta de poemas seleccionados del dīwān de Ibn Sahl, es que el mérito de estos poemas y las características que los han hecho atractivos para el público proceden de las formas en que mantienen la posibilidad de diferentes interpretaciones, por lo que continuamente avivan la curiosidad del público, así como su uso, que induce a los portentos del lenguaje figurativo, la intertextualidad y los juegos de palabras. (shrink)

It is acknowledged that most motifs used in Western art have an iconographic counterpart. It is inferred that the geometric and floral motifs that we encounter in Anatolia are provided by the world meanings such as “ornamentation”, “talisman”, “power” or “strength”, which have a wide place in folk beliefs, rather than creating a meaning by combining with religious images. In this study, it is focused that on the minaret of the Ibrahim Efendi Mosque in Kilis with the Seal of (...) Solomon motif, which has been used on area of usage in Turkish-Islamic arts, from architectural surfaces to wall paintings, from manuscripts to under-glass paintings. According to the data provided by historical sources, the first work that has existed till now was built by Hacı İbrahim, the son of Hacı Mustafa, one of the residents of Kızılca township. For an unknown reason, a large part of the building was demolished and a second building group was built over time. According to the inscription, the second building group refers to a building group called “the New Mosque”, which was rebuilt in 1831 by Mehmet Pasha, the son of Mehmet Ali Pasha (1769-1849), the Governor of Egypt, who was the Governor of Aleppo. Since only the minaret has existed from the second building group, which consisted of a madrasah-mosque combination, which was demolished over time, this single work is also called “orphan minaret” among the people. In this study, it is emphasized that on the Seal of Solomon motif and the ornamentation of the building, which is especially concentrated in the minaret balcony section. The general acceptance of the six-armed star motif on the pedestal and its usage areas in different works within the Turkish motif tradition were emphasized, and the difference of this motif from the six-armed star, which has a symbolic context in the Jewish faith as Magen David, was determined. The visual data obtained during the survey, archival sources and literature on the structure are based on the documentation method. (shrink)

Osmanlı Devleti, Avrupa’daki gelişmeleri takip edip değişen dünya düzenine ayak uydurma noktasında yetersizliğini XVII. yüzyılda hissetmeye başlamıştır. Osmanlı Devleti’nin ihtişamlı yıllarının akabinde devlet nizamındaki çözülmeler, halkın içinde bulunduğu durum ve sebepleri üzerine çeşitli çevrelerden çözüm reçeteleri sunulmuştur. Bunların bilinen ilki iki farklı ve ardıl padişaha sunulan Koçi Bey Risaleleridir. XVII. yüzyılda tarihi seyrin değişmekte olduğunu ön gören ve bu öngörü ile daha önce benzeri Osmanlı Devleti’nde görülmemiş olan ilmî-siyasî-askerî-sosyal içeriklere sahip bir risale/rapor hazırlayan Koçi Bey risalelerini IV. Murat ve kardeşi (...) I. İbrahim’e takdim etmiştir. Koçi Bey risalelerinin tarihi değeri ve önemi üzerine çok sayıda çalışma yapılmış olmakla birlikte biz bu makalemizde, Koçi Bey risalelerinin arasındaki farkları çok yönlü olarak ele almaya çalıştık. İki farklı karakterdeki padişaha sunulan risalelerin; üslup, muhteva ve amaç bakımlarından farklılıklarını ortaya koymayı amaçladık. Metin kritik yöntemi ile iki risaleyi karşılaştırdığımızda, birbirinden çok farklı iki ayrı risale tarzının ve muhtevasının varlığına şahit olduk. Koçi Bey zamanın ve muhatabının gerektirdiği şekilde; devletin ihtiyaçları, milletin selameti noktasında farklılıkları bariz bir şekilde görünen risaleleri üzerinden bir döneme bizleri şahit kılmıştır. Çalışmamız bu şahitliğin iki risalenin kıyaslanması yöntemi ile bariz hale gelmesini sağlamayı hedeflemektedir. (shrink)

Este trabajo explora de forma diacrónica el concepto sufí de tarbiya (iniciación espiritual) a través del análisis de tres poemas del maestro sufí senegalés Ibrāhīm Niasse. En el primero de los textos, Ruḥ al-ādab (El hálito de la cortesía), Niasse resume la doctrina de la Tijāniyya y el sufismo antes de su consolidación como maestro en 1929. El segundo texto, Nabadhat min asha‘ārnā fī tarbiya wa al-irshād (Advertencia sobre la tarbiya y la guía), explora el proceso de la iniciación espiritual (...) y su metodología desde su posición de maestro sufí. En el último texto, Ṣāriman, Niasse explica las dificultades que se producen tras acceder a la gnosis. Por último, y a modo de epílogo, se incluye una observación sobre la tarbiya y la gnosis en la vida cotidiana en África contemporánea. (shrink)

La fuente principal antes de 1972 para conocer el pensamiento de Ibn Masarra era una breve descripción que Ibn Ḥazm hizo de algunos elementos fundamentales de su teología. En 1972, Muḥammad Kamāl Ibrāhīm Ŷaʿfar atribuyó a Ibn Masarra dos obras, Risālat al-Iʿtibār and Kitāb Jawāṣṣ al-ḥurūf, que se encuentran en un manuscrito de la Chester Beatty Library. El contenido de estas dos obras difiere de las descripciones que hacen las fuentes primarias del pensamiento de Ibn Masarra, pues en estas últimas (...) se le considera de manera mayoritaria un teólogo con creencias de corte qadarī, como al-waʿd wa-l-waʿīd e istiṭāʿa. A la vista de las dos obras que Ŷaʿfar atribuyó a Ibn Masarra, la erudición posterior ha tachado la mayoría de fuentes primarias sobre Ibn Masarra de imprecisas, tendenciosas o mal informadas, de modo que las ha descartado. La fuente más esclarecedora sobre Ibn Masarra, al-Inbāʾ fī šarḥ ḥaqāʾiq al-ṣifāt wa-l-asmāʾ de Ibn al-Uqlīšī, parece haber pasado desapercibida hasta fechas recientes. Tomando como base la información que aporta Ibn al-Uqlīšī, este artículo sugiere la atribución a Ibn Masarra de al-Radd ʿalā l-Kindī, o Refutación de Sobre la Filosofía primera de al-Kindī, obra ya editada, si bien bajo la atribución a Ibn Ḥazm. Esta obra coincide con descripciones del pensamiento de Ibn Masarra en fuentes primarias, si bien excluyendo de las fuentes primarias las dos obras que Ŷaʿfar le atribuye. (shrink)

Erdem, ahlaki değerlere uygun olarak yaşamayı ve hareket etmeyi ifade eden, doğru ve etik davranışları içeren bir kavramdır. Erdem eğilimleri, bireyin kişisel gelişimini desteklerken aynı zamanda toplumda barışı sağlaması, toplumsal uyumun, güven ve refahın sürdürülmesine katkıda bulunması bakımından önemlidir. Bu makalenin amacı, ilahiyat eğitimi ile erdem eğilimleri arasındaki ilişkiyi ortaya koymak; cinsiyet, akademik başarı algısı, hayatının çoğunu geçirdiği yerleşim yeri ve mezun olunan lise türü değişkenleri açısından ilahiyat fakültesi öğrencilerinin erdem eğilimleri arasındaki ilişkinin önemli olup-olmadığını nicel olarak araştırmaktır. Araştırmanın evrenini, (...) 2023-2024 eğitim-öğretim yılında Bayburt Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesinde öğrenim gören 1270 öğrenci oluşturmuştur. Araştırmaya evreni oluşturan öğrencilerden tesadüfi örnekleme yöntemiyle belirlenen 240 ilahiyat fakültesi öğrencisi katılmıştır. Araştırmanın verileri, araştırmacı tarafından geliştirilen Bireysel Bilgi Anketi ile İbrahim Demirci ve Halil Ekşi tarafından geliştirilmiş olan Kişisel Erdemler Ölçeği ile 2024 Mart ayında yüz yüze toplanmıştır. Verilerin istatistiksel işlemleri ise SPSS programı kullanılarak yapılmıştır. Yapılan analizler neticesinde, cinsiyet, akademik başarı algısı ve hayatının çoğunu geçirdiği yerleşim yeri değişkenleri açısından ilahiyat fakültesi öğrencilerinin erdem eğilimleri arasında önemli bir ilişki olduğu ortaya çıkmasına karşılık; mezun olunan lise türü açısından önemli bir ilişki olmadığı sonucuna varılmıştır. İlahiyat literatüründe teorik olarak inceleme konusu yapılan “Erdem” kavramı ile ilgili, nicel yöntemler ile daha önce yapılmış herhangi bir araştırma yoktur. Alana orijinal katkısı bakımından bu makale, İlahiyat literatüründe Din Eğitimi Bilimi yaklaşımıyla “Erdem” kavramının nicel yöntem ile incelendiği yayınlanmış ilk çalışmadır. (shrink)

İslamiyet’in Türkler tarafından kabul edilmesiyle birlikte Türk edebiyatında, İslamiyet’i konu alan eserler telif edilmiştir. Bu eserlerin bilhassa tevhid, naat, münâcât ve hâtime bölümlerinde Allah’ın rahmetine ve Hz. Muhammed’in şefaatine nail olmak arzusunun dile getirilmesi bir gelenek hâline gelmiştir. Zamanla, şefaati konu edinen ve başta Hz. Muhammed olmak üzere Allah’ın şefaat etmesine müsaade buyurduğu kişilerden şefaat isteğinde bulunulan manzum ve mensur müstakil eserler telif edilmiştir. Bu eserler, dinî-tasavvufi türlerden ayrılarak şefaatnâme olarak adlandırılmıştır. Şefaatnâmelerin geneli, eski Anadolu Türkçesi döneminde telif edilen Hikâye-i (...) Kesikbaş, Hikâye-i Deve, Hikâye-i Güvercin, Hikâye-i Geyik, Hikâye-i Kız, Hikâye-i İsa, Hikâye-i İsmail ve Hikâye-i İbrahim gibi dinî manzum hikâyelere anlatım ve üslup özellikleri bakımından benzemektedir. İslam dinini halka öğretmek amacıyla sade bir Türkçe ile kaleme alınan ve tahkiyenin ön planda olduğu bu hikâyelerden biri, muhtevasından dolayı şefaatnâme türü içerisinde değerlendirdiğimiz Şefaatnâme-i Yahyâ’dır. Çalışmamıza konu edilen bu eser, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Yazma Bağışlar Bölümü’nde 4042 demirbaş numarasıyla kayıtlı olan ve içerisinde Süleyman Çelebi’nin (ö. 1422?) Vesîletü’n-Necât’ı ile eski Anadolu Türkçesi döneminde telif edilen dinî muhtevalı pek çok manzum hikâyenin bulunduğu yazmanın 155a-160a sayfaları arasında yer almaktadır. Şefaatnâme-i Yahyâ, aruzun “fâ‘ilâtün / fâ‘ilâtün/ fâ‘ilün” kalıbıyla ve mesnevi nazım şeklinde yazılmıştır. 154 beyitten müteşekkil bu eserde, Hz. Muhammed’in günahkâr ümmet için üzülüp ağlaması, o esnada sohbetinde bulunan Hz. Ebû Bekir, Hz. Ömer, Hz. Osman, Hz. Ali, Hz. Ayşe ve Hz. Fatma’ya günahkâr kullara şefaat için ne yapacaklarını sorması ve onların da bu soruyu cevaplamaları tahkiye edilmiştir. Bu makalede, öncelikle şefaatnâme hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. Ardından, Şefaatnâme-i Yahyâ’nın dil, şekil, anlatım ve muhteva özellikleri incelenmiştir. Sonrasında ise Yahyâ’nın Şefaatnâme’sinde ele alınan konunun Ömeroğlu’nun (ö. 14. yy) Şefaatnâme’sinde, Pir Muhammed’in (ö.?) Şefaatnâme’sinde, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi Y. Y. 520/2 numarada kayıtlı yazmanın 30a-34a yaprakları arasında bulunan müellifi meçhul bir şefaatnâmede de yer alması sebebiyle bu dört metin mukayese edilmiştir. Farklı şairlerin kaleminde, aynı olay örgüsünün nasıl ifade edildiği bir tablo dâhilinde ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır. Makalenin sonunda, Şefaatnâme-i Yahyâ’nın transkripsiyonlu metni hazırlanarak araştırmacıların istifadesine sunulmuştur. (shrink)

Humans can learn complex functional relationships between variables from small amounts of data. In doing so, they draw on prior expectations about the form of these relationships. In three experiments, we show that people learn to adjust these expectations through experience, learning about the likely forms of the functions they will encounter. Previous work has used Gaussian processes—a statistical framework that extends Bayesian nonparametric approaches to regression—to model human function learning. We build on this work, modeling the process of learning (...) to learn functions as a form of hierarchical Bayesian inference about the Gaussian process hyperparameters. (shrink)

Meanings have an empirical genesis and status. This simple claim has often been denied or ignored. Some metaphysicians in their exaltation of the eternal have regarded meanings as essences, or eternal objects, or neutral entities, in a subsistential or supernatural realm that is changeless and has no roots in nature. Some logicians in their zest to manipulate meanings isolate them so completely as forms of reason, or as syntactical symbols that at no point is their connection with natural events made (...) intelligible. Yet meanings, all meanings, have relation to mind. It is this empirical, psychological aspect of meaning that I shall analyze. The larger philosophic question as to what the relation of the psychological aspect is to the metaphysical or the logical will not concern us except indirectly. (shrink)

Nurses are the closest healthcare providers to patients and emotional labor is the most invisible part of nursing work. However, the management of emotions to promote organizational goals and to ensure patient satisfaction may have both positive and negative impacts on nurses' working life. The purpose of this cross‐sectional, descriptive study was to examine the emotional labor behaviors of nurses and their opinions on emotional labor. Two hundred nineteen nurses working at public hospitals in Ankara between September and December 2018 (...) participated to this study. Data were collected using the sociodemographic characteristics form and “The Scale of Emotional Labor Behavior for Nurses.” Nurses had higher scores on the deep and sincere emotional acting subdimensions of the emotional labor scale than the surface acting subdimension. Findings suggest that nurses act deeply and intimately, instead of surface acting. Most of the nurses expressed that nurses were emotionally affected when caring for patients; however, nurses had to control their feelings toward patients and behave professionally to meet the expectations of their managers, which may lead to an implicit emotional dissonance. Based on the results of this study, we suggest to support nurses emotionally and to incorporate the topic of emotional labor into educational programs. (shrink)

This fourteenth volume of Collected Papers is an eclectic tome of 87 papers in Neutrosophics and other fields, such as mathematics, fuzzy sets, intuitionistic fuzzy sets, picture fuzzy sets, information fusion, robotics, statistics, or extenics, comprising 936 pages, published between 2008-2022 in different scientific journals or currently in press, by the author alone or in collaboration with the following 99 co-authors (alphabetically ordered) from 26 countries: Ahmed B. Al-Nafee, Adesina Abdul Akeem Agboola, Akbar Rezaei, Shariful Alam, Marina Alonso, Fran Andujar, (...) Toshinori Asai, Assia Bakali, Azmat Hussain, Daniela Baran, Bijan Davvaz, Bilal Hadjadji, Carlos Díaz Bohorquez, Robert N. Boyd, M. Caldas, Cenap Özel, Pankaj Chauhan, Victor Christianto, Salvador Coll, Shyamal Dalapati, Irfan Deli, Balasubramanian Elavarasan, Fahad Alsharari, Yonfei Feng, Daniela Gîfu, Rafael Rojas Gualdrón, Haipeng Wang, Hemant Kumar Gianey, Noel Batista Hernández, Abdel-Nasser Hussein, Ibrahim M. Hezam, Ilanthenral Kandasamy, W.B. Vasantha Kandasamy, Muthusamy Karthika, Nour Eldeen M. Khalifa, Madad Khan, Kifayat Ullah, Valeri Kroumov, Tapan Kumar Roy, Deepesh Kunwar, Le Thi Nhung, Pedro López, Mai Mohamed, Manh Van Vu, Miguel A. Quiroz-Martínez, Marcel Migdalovici, Kritika Mishra, Mohamed Abdel-Basset, Mohamed Talea, Mohammad Hamidi, Mohammed Alshumrani, Mohamed Loey, Muhammad Akram, Muhammad Shabir, Mumtaz Ali, Nassim Abbas, Munazza Naz, Ngan Thi Roan, Nguyen Xuan Thao, Rishwanth Mani Parimala, Ion Pătrașcu, Surapati Pramanik, Quek Shio Gai, Qiang Guo, Rajab Ali Borzooei, Nimitha Rajesh, Jesús Estupiñan Ricardo, Juan Miguel Martínez Rubio, Saeed Mirvakili, Arsham Borumand Saeid, Saeid Jafari, Said Broumi, Ahmed A. Salama, Nirmala Sawan, Gheorghe Săvoiu, Ganeshsree Selvachandran, Seok-Zun Song, Shahzaib Ashraf, Jayant Singh, Rajesh Singh, Son Hoang Le, Tahir Mahmood, Kenta Takaya, Mirela Teodorescu, Ramalingam Udhayakumar, Maikel Y. Leyva Vázquez, V. Venkateswara Rao, Luige Vlădăreanu, Victor Vlădăreanu, Gabriela Vlădeanu, Michael Voskoglou, Yaser Saber, Yong Deng, You He, Youcef Chibani, Young Bae Jun, Wadei F. Al-Omeri, Hongbo Wang, Zayen Azzouz Omar. (shrink)

A Schrödinger-like relativistic wave equation of motion for the Lorentz-scalar potential is formulated based on a Lagrangian formalism of relativistic mechanics with a scaled time as the evolution parameter. Applications of this Schrödinger-like formalism for the Lorentz-scalar potential are given: For the square-step potential, the predictions of this formalism are free from the Klein paradox, and for the Coulomb potential, this formalism yields the exact bound-state eigenenergies and eigenfunctions.